Denkend aan Hume in Holland

Inleidende opmerkingen:

Het exemplaar dat ik geleend heb uit het PCHH heeft een “Introduction” van EC Mossner.
Hierin staat onder andere dat Humes hele leven draaide om de Treatise, eerst om ‘m te schrijven, daarna om hem begrijpelijk te maken (en af te maken – political discourses = Of Politics en de essays over Standard of Taste and of Theatre (oid) = Of Criticism) en daarna om hem naar de prullenbak te verwijzen.

“Be a philosopher, but, most of all,  be a man”

Aantekeningen bij de tekst:

INTRODUCTION
†¢Â Â Â  Over de huidige stand van de wetenschappen: “even the rabble without doors may judge from the noise and clamour, which they hear, that all goes not well within”. [41]
†¢Â Â Â  Binnen de wetenschap zijn zelfs de beste systemen gebaseerd op vertrouwen, ontbreekt er samenhang en bewijs. [41]
†¢Â Â Â  Not reason, but Eloquence carries the prize. Als je maar kunstig genoeg je extravagante these kunt inkleuren, hoef je niet te wanhopen dat je geen bekeerlingen krijgt
†¢Â Â Â  Van hieruit ook de afkeer van metafysica die bij veel mensen (waaronder geleerden. We verliezen onszelf erin, en alleen skepticisme en een flinke dosis luiheid kunnen je ervan genezen. [42]
†¢Â Â Â  Aan de andere kant: Het is ijdel om te denken dat de waarheid – als ze al binnen het bereik van de menselijke geest ligt – makkelijk te vinden is, terwijl zoveel genieën hebben gefaald.
†¢Â Â Â  “‘Tis evident, that all the sciences have a relation, greater or less, to human nature” “Even Mathematics, Natural Philosophy and Natural Religion, are in some measure dependent on the science of Man; since they lie under the cognizance of men, and are judged by their powers and faculties.” [42] Als we maar begrijpen hoe onze ideeën werken, hoe ons begrip en onze redenaties werken.
†¢Â Â Â  Vooral in ‘natural religion’ valt er een slag te maken, omdat ze niet alleen gericht is op de aard van superieure wezens, maar ook naar onszelf kijkt. We zijn niet alleen de wezens die redeneren, we zijn ook de objecten van die redeneringen.[42-43]
†¢Â Â Â  “instead of taking now and then a castle or village on the frontier, to march up directly to the capital or center of these sciences, to human nature itself; which being once masters of, we may ever where else hope for an easy victory.”
†¢Â Â Â  Naast Natural Religion, Natural Philosophy and Mathematics hebben ook de four sciences of Logic, Morals, Criticism and Politics baat bij de SoM; ze beslaan bovendien alles wat we nodig hebben. [43]
†¢Â Â Â  En als de SoM de enige fundering is voor de andere sciences, dan is de enige solid foundation die we de SoM kunnen geven gebaseerd  op “experience and observation” [43]
†¢Â Â Â  Net als in de klassieke tijd, toen er tussen Thales en Socrates een eeuw zat (van natuurfilosofie naar moraalfilosofie), zo is het het ook niet meer dan normaal dat er 100 jaar zit tussen de vondst van de experimental method of reasoning in deze twee disciplines.  Van Bacon naar (in een noot) Locke, Shaftsbury, Mandeville, Hutchinnson, Butler, &c.[44]
†¢Â Â Â  In andere landen kunnen ze missschien beter dichten of andere kunsten bedrijven, maar dat Reason and philosophy zo goed gaan in Engeland komt doordat daar (en nergens anders) zo’n sterke toleration and liberty is.[44]
†¢Â Â Â  Het is duidelijk dat we niet verder kunnen gaan dan onze ervaringen, en we moeten er dus genoegen mee nemen dat we niet verder kunnen kijken dan onze ervaringen. Het is het tevreden zijn met de eigen onwetendheid die de filosofie het beste kan helpen: “the impossibility of explaining ultimate principles” is een defect van alle arts and sciences – niemand kan verder gaan dan de ervaring. [45]
†¢Â Â Â  Moral philosophy heeft dan nog als extra nadeel dat ze geen experimenten kan bouwen, omdat ze als zodanig de uitkomst beïnvloeden. Het alternatief is “cautious observation of human life, and take them as they appear in the common course of the world, by men’s behaviiour in company, in affairsc and in their pleasures. Where experiments of this kind are judiciously collected and compared, we may hope to establish on them a science, which will not be inferior in certainty, and will be much superior in utility to any other of human comprehension.”[46]
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EDIT 04-07:

Hoftijzer schreef enkel over 17e eeuwse engelse boekdrukkersfamilies, duitse handelsrelaties onderbelicht

113: NED 655(492)

Bert van Selm stelde voor (Tijdschrift voor Nederlandse taal-en letterkunde 99 (1983) pp. 47-62 en in Dokumentaal 19 (1990) 11-21.

Bronnen & Literatuur over boekhandels in Amsterdam

http://bc.uba.uva.nl/bc_collecties/ubainv7

Archief van het Amsterdams Boekverkopers Gilde bij BC via

Bibliotheek van het Boekenvak (Opgericht dankzij Muller van het Vereeniging van het Boekenvak, daarna in handen van een stichting)

http://bc.uba.uva.nl/bc_collecties/ubainv55

• Archief van het Amsterdams Boekverkopersgilde
• Archief van de firma Luchtmans
• Brievencollectie Marc Michel Rey
• Boekveilingcatalogi vóór 1800

In 1995 is het gehele archief, d.w.z. zowel de stukken die berusten in het Gemeentearchief Amsterdam, als die in de Bibliotheek van de KVB gemicroficheerd. In de inventaris van Van Eeghen zijn deze laatste stukken aangeduid met de letter B voor het inventarisnummer.

• I.H. van Eeghen. ‘Boekverkopers-, boekdrukkers- en boekbindersgilde’. In: Inventarissen der archieven van de gilden en van het brouwerscollege. Amsterdam 1951. (GA-toegang 366)
• I.H. van Eeghen. De gilden. Theorie en praktijk. Bussum, 1965, p. 100-130.
• Marja Keyser. ‘Frederik Muller als eerste bibliothecaris van de Vereeniging ter bevordering van de belangen des Boekhandels (1845-1877)’. In: Marja Keyser, J.F. Heijbroek, Ingeborg Verheul (red.). Frederik Muller 1817-1881. Leven en werken. Zutphen, 1996, p. 152.
• Guide & Inventory to the Archive of the Amsterdam Booksellers Guild, 1662-1812 on microfiche. Lisse; Amsterdam, 1995.
• door M. Castenmiller, J.M. van Ophuijsen en R. Smitskamp, Luchtmans & Brill : driehonderd jaar uitgevers en drukkers in Leiden, 1683-1983 : catalogus van de tentoonstelling gehouden van 1 september tot 1 oktober 1983 in het Gemeente-Archief te Leiden, Leiden 1983
• Titel: Drukkers, boekverkopers en lezers in Nederland tijdens de Republiek : een historiografische en bibliografische handleiding / O.S. Lankhorst en P.G. Hoftijzer

En dan nog een goede vondst in een boek van Van Lieburg

Maar misschien is het kasboek van het Rotterdamse boekverkopersgilde wel helemaal niet interessant?

[singlepic=63,763,250,,]

Hier nog meer bibliografieën:

http://cf.hum.uva.nl/nhl/Bizon/genre_bibliografieen.htm

Hume: TLDH Vol 1 Ltr 136 To: Millar [57] p 256
† * 136. To ANDREW MILLAR

Dear Sir

About ten days ago, I received a Letter from you with four enclosd which I deliver’d. Mr Kincaid immediatly pay’d me the Money; Mr Gordon† 1 said he woud pay me this Week; Mr Balfour† 2 desird a little delay, & said he wou’d pay me as soon as he conveniently coud: Mr Wright† 3 I have not yet met with.

Some time before that, I got yours; where you had inserted the Passage which probably gave Dr Brown Occasion for his fine Reflexion; which surely I shall never take the least Notice of. I must however beg the Favor of you, in order to prevent all such Misrepresentations for the future, that you woud burn all my Letters, which do not treat of Business; that is, I may say all of them. For as all Business is clos’d between us, there can be no use of keeping the Letters. I own to you, that it woud be very disagreeable to me, if by any Accident these Letters shoud fall into idle People’s hands, and be honord with a Publication. As to what you say, about your Frankness & Openness in mentioning things, which malevolent People sometimes make a bad Use of, I can readily excuse you: For I find it is an Infirmity of my own.

257

I must desire you to put up in one Parcel three Copies of my History small Paper, in boards, both Volumes; together with three Copies, like binding, of my four Dissertations: And direct the whole to Monsr de la Rouviere a ROTTERDAM: And to send it thither by a sure hand, together with the smallest of these two Letters enclos’d. Monsr de la Rouviere is to send them as Presents to Paris, one to L’Abbe le Blanc who is translating my History: The other two to different Persons, who have desir’d them from me. Please to state them to my Account, at the Bookseller’s Price; and send me the whole Account I owe you, that I may deduct it from your Bill.

I have now been settled in Edinburgh near two months; and so much to my Satisfaction, that there is no chance of my ever leaving it, during the few Years that I can propose to live. Among other Occupations, or rather Amusements, in which I employ myself, I am giving a new and very attentive Perusal of the last Edition of my History;† 1 and hope at last to bring it as near Correctness as possible. I tell you this, that if ever you have occasion to make a new Edition of that work, you may apply to me, or, if I be dead, to my Heirs, in order to print from this corrected Copy.

The largest of the Letters to Monsr de la Rouviere, please to put into the Post. I have sent you a Copy of Douglas, which you will be so good as to put up in the same Parcel with my History & Dissertations. The Edinburgh Edition is more correct than yours, & contains some Lines, which were struck out in the latter. I hope to get it translated into French, & acted at Paris.

L’Abbé le Blanc tells me of a Work called L’Ami de l’homme ou Traité de la Population wrote by the Marques de Mirabaut.† 1 He extolls this Piece much, & says it has met with vast Success at Paris. He also tells me, that it speaks much of my Writings, & that the Author had sent me a Copy which never came to hand. If the Book be in Nourse’s† 2 or Vaillant’s,† 3 I shoud be very desirous of having a Copy; and if you get it in Sheets please send it by the Post. Mr Elliot will frank it for you.

The Translation of the first Volume of my History will be publishd next Winter at Paris: The same Person is to translate the second, but wants a Copy. This makes me very anxious that these Copies may go by a safe hand. I shoud be glad to hear what the Connoisseurs with you say of that singular Piece the Epigoniad. I am dear Sir

Your most obedient humble Servant

DAVID HUME

Edinburgh

21 July. 175

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Hume: TLDH Vol 1 Ltr 169 To: Smith [59] p 311
† * 169. To ADAM SMITH

Dear Sir

Your Friend, Mr Wilson,† 7 calld on me two or three days ago when I was abroad, & he left your Letter: I did not see him till to day. He seems a very modest, sensible, ingenious Man. Before I saw him, I spoke to A. Millar about him, & found him very much dispos’d to serve him. I proposd particularly to Mr Millar, that it was worthy of so eminent a Bookseller as he to make a compleat elegant Set of the Classics, which might set up his Name equal to the Alduses, Stevens, or Elzivirs; and that Mr Wilson was the properest Person in the World to assist him in such a Project. He confest to me, that he had sometimes thought of it; but that his great Difficulty was to find a Man of Letters, who cou’d correct the Press. I mentioned the Matter to Wilson, who said he had a Man of Letters in his Eye; one Lyon,† 1 a nonjuring Clergyman at Glasgow. He is probably known to you, or at least may be so: I wou’d desire your Opinion of him.

312

Mr Wilson told me of his Machines, which seem very ingenious, & deserve much Encouragement. I shall soon see them.

I am very well acquainted with Bourke,† 2 who was much taken with your Book. He got your Direction from me with a View of writing to you, & thanking you for your Present: For I made it pass in your Name. I wonder he has not done it: He is now in Ireland. I am not acquainted with Jennyns;† 3 but he spoke very highly of the Book to Oswald, who is his Brother in the Board of Trade. Millar show’d me a few days ago a Letter from Lord Fitz-maurice;† 4 where he tells him, that he had carryd over a few Copies to the HAGUE for Presents. Mr Yorke† 5 was much taken with it as well as several others who had read it.

I am told that you are preparing a new Edition,† 6 & propose to make some Additions & Alterations, in order to obviate Objections. I shall use the Freedom to propose one, which, if it appears to be of any Weight, you may have in your Eye. I wish you had more particularly and fully prov’d, that all kinds of Sympathy are necessarily Agreeable. This is the Hinge of your System, & yet you only mention the Matter cursorily in p. 20. Now it woud appear that there is a disagreeable Sympathy, as well as an agreeable: And indeed, as the Sympathetic Passion is a reflex Image of the principal, it must partake of its Qualities, & be painful where that is so. Indeed, when we converse with a man with whom we can entirely sympathize, that is, where there is a warm & intimate Friendship, the cordial openness of such a Commerce overpowers the Pain of a disagreeable Sympathy, and renders the whole Movement agreeable. But in ordinary Cases, this cannot have place. An ill-humord Fellow; a man tir’d & disgusted with every thing, always ennuié; sickly, complaining, embarass’d; such a one throws an evident Damp on Company, which I suppose wou’d be accounted for by Sympathy; and yet is disagreeable.

313

It is always thought a difficult Problem to account for the Pleasure, receivd from the Tears & Grief & Sympathy of Tragedy; which woud not be the Case, if all Sympathy was agreeable. An Hospital woud be a more entertaining Place than a Ball. I am afraid that in p. 99 and 111 this Proposition has escapd you, or rather is interwove with your Reasonings in that place. You say expressly, it is painful to go along with Grief & we always enter into it with Reluctance. It will probably be requisite for you to modify or explain this Sentiment, & reconcile it to your System.

My Dear Mr Smith; You must not be so much engross’d with your own Book, as never to mention mine. The Whigs, I am told, are anew in a Rage against me; tho’ they know not how to vent themselves: For they are constrain’d to allow all my Facts. You have probably seen Hurd’s Abuse of me.† 1 He is of the Warburtonian School; and consequently very insolent and very scurrilous; but I shall never reply a word to him. If my past Writings do not sufficiently prove me to be no Jacobite, ten Volumes in folio never would.

314

I signd yesterday an Agreement with Mr Millar; where I mention that I proposd to write the History of England from the Beginning till the Accession of Henry the VII; & he engages to give me 1400 Pounds for the Copy. This is the first previous Agreement ever I made with a Bookseller. I shall execute this Work at Leizure, without fatiguing myself by such ardent Application as I have hitherto employd. It is chiefly as a Ressource against Idleness, that I shall undertake this Work: For as to Money, I have enough: And as to Reputation, what I have wrote already will be sufficient, if it be good: If not, it is not likely I shall now write better. I found it impracticable (at least fancy’d so) to write the History since the Revolution. I am in doubt whether I shall stay here & execute the Work; or return to Scotland, & only come up here to consult the Manuscripts. I have several Inducements on both Sides. Scotland suits my Fortune best, & is the Seat of my principal Friendships; but it is too narrow a Place for me, and it mortifies me that I sometimes hurt my Friends. Pray write me your Judgement soon. Are the Bigots much in Arms on account of this last Volume? Robertson’s Book has great Merit; but it was visible that he profited here by the Animosity against me. I suppose the Case was the same with you. I am

Dear Smith

Yours sincerely

DAVID HUME.

London 28 July 1759.

Hume: TLDH Vol 1 Ltr 169 To: Smith [59] Fn * p 311
† * MS., R.S.E.; Lit. Gazette, 1821, p. 665 f.; Burton, ii. 59 ff.
† 7 Alexander Wilson, M.D. (1733-86), a St. Andrews man; practised medicine in London for a time; took to type-founding; appointed type-founder to University of Glasgow, 1748; appointed
Professor of Practical Astronomy, and Observer, University of Glasgow, 1760; awarded gold medal of Royal Society of Sciences, Copenhagen, 1772, for a dissertation on sun spots. He founded the types for the Foulis brothers in Glasgow, his Greek founts being unsurpassed.
Hume: TLDH Vol 1 Ltr 169 To: Smith [59] Fn 1 p 312
† 1 I have not been able to trace this man.
† 2 Presumably Edmund Burke.
† 3 Soame Jenyns.
† 4 William Petty, Viscount Fitzmaurice (1737-1805), succeeded as Earl of Shelburne, 1761.
† 5 Probably the Hon. Charles Yorke (1722-70), 2nd son of 1st Earl of Hardwicke; M.P. for Reigate; Solicitor-General, 1756; Attorney-General, 1761-3; Lord Chancellor for three days, 1770.
† 6 The 2nd edit. did not appear till 1761.
Hume: TLDH Vol 1 Ltr 169 To: Smith [59] Fn 1 p 313
† 1 The 1st edit. of Richard Hurd’s Moral and Political Dialogues, 1759, contains a 7 1/2-page Postscript censuring Hume’s Tudors. The following extracts indicate the tone of it. ‘For having undertaken to conjure up the spirit of absolute power, he [Hume] judged it necessary to the charm, to reverse the order of things, and to evoke this frightful spectre by writing (as witches use to say their prayers) backwards. . . . Accordingly, while one half of his pains is laid out in exposing the absurdities of reformed religion, the other half is suitably employed in discrediting the cause of civil liberty.’ In later editions Hurd changed the Postscript into a footnote in which modified praise is given to Hume’s History from Julius Caesar to Henry VII, in comparison with the other sections.